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Fragile states do not need idealistic one-size-fits-all solutions

Friday April 20 2018
refugees

Congolese refugees, with their belongings, cross the border to Uganda in Nteko on January 24, 2018. Countries stuck in cycles of conflict requires domestic actors to be empowered to sustain security in their own nations. PHOTO | AFP

By DONALD KABERUKA

Despite the negative headlines and the global economic challenges of the past 10 years, the reality is that we live in times of dramatic global progress, with marked improvements across all indicators of development — from extreme poverty, to hunger, education and health.

In my former role as Head of Africa’s leading development bank, I saw extraordinary changes: Technology, investments, and economic and political reform opened up opportunities and transformed millions of lives for the better.

For this reason I believe that world leaders’ historic 2015 pledge to “end poverty in all its forms everywhere” by 2030 is realistic.

However, its attainment — and that of a number of the other Sustainable Development Goals — is threatened by a stubborn and persistent syndrome: State fragility.

Countries such as Yemen, Syria, Somalia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and South Sudan are stuck in cycles of conflict, and arrested development.

Other countries — like Haiti — are not in conflict but still fragile. And others still have “latent fragility” whereby a sudden shock — political or economic — could trigger a crisis.

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These societies are typically affected by a series of interrelated and mutually reinforcing characteristics.

Extremism

In fragile states, extremism thrives, economies stagnate and citizens suffer. And there are massive spillover effects — including huge refugee flows. This is a long-standing problem that has received much international attention, but it persists.

And yet, we know from examples like Rwanda, Colombia and Timor Leste that it is possible to escape fragility.

It was to learn the lessons from these counties, and find new ways to overcome the problem that the Commission on State Fragility, Growth and Development, which I co-chaired with former UK Prime Minister David Cameron, and which reports today, was set up.

We heard from a wide range of national and international actors, including governments, businesses, military and civilian representatives, and non-governmental organisations, who gave compelling evidence that a top down, idealistic, one-size-fits-all, donor-led approach, with a tight timetable is not fit-for-purpose.

Instead, the exit from fragility needs to be a step-by-step process, which will almost inevitably include setbacks, which will require enormous patience and pragmatism, and which must be led by the domestic actors at the centre of the country’s unique drama.

Such a process may be imperfect and take time but it is more likely to endure.

Exit from fragility

The first step is security, without which none of the other features of a stable society can emerge. The traditional view has been that this can come from international peacekeepers. However, this will work only if there is peace to keep — as in Liberia, Ivory Coast or Timor Leste.

In many cases, neighbouring countries or regional actors will be better placed to restore order. Ultimately, domestic actors need to be empowered to sustain security in their own nations.

Another early priority — indeed, often a prerequisite for an end to the crisis — is workable political and governance arrangements.

The Commission heard that the rush to elections where the winner takes all, or externally imposed “power sharing” agreements, do not necessarily lead to lasting peace.

On the contrary, the transition is more likely to succeed if there is a prolonged period where checks and balances between different protagonists are steadily built, trust slowly anchored, and the way paved for a the formulation of a “positive” agenda of common purpose, constitution making and then elections.

Citizens must be able to see that the state is trying — within its limited means — to deliver basic services equitably. This includes rehabilitating infrastructure, rebuilding institutions, paying back debts and taking responsibility for policy decisions; and is how legitimacy is earned.

Early efforts must also be made to revive the private sector. Reliable wage employment in private businesses is not only the key to growth and poverty reduction: Productive jobs stabilise society and reduce the risk of relapse into conflict.

The confidence generated by local business will spur foreign investment, not vice versa.

Humanitarian support

Nation building needs resources but it is not principally about donors and aid. Of course humanitarian and emergency support will be required.

As will help to rebuild infrastructure, and possibly mechanisms to cancel some debt. But this is not the time for donors to prescribe policies, or set strict timelines in return for financial support.

They should simply require a minimum domestic consensus around a set of social, political and economic arrangements.

The fundamental question for donors is how best to support countries to deploy national resources and the energies and talents of their people and businesses. Because exit from fragility is about the country and its people. They must lead the way. It is a political problem that requires pragmatism, not idealism. Local and national priorities, not international ones must prevail.

We have learnt many lessons on fragility over the years. But two principles must surely come first: “Promote national ownership “ and “do no harm.” In that way, guided by evidence of what works, we will have a better hope of overcoming the fragility syndrome.

Dr Donald Kaberuka is the former president of the African Development Bank

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